The duty and aim of Betar is very simple though difficult: to create that type of Jew which the
nation needs in order to better and quicker build a Jewish state. In other words, to create a
"normal", "healthy" citizen for the Jewish nation. The greatest difficulty is encountered because,
as a nation, the Jews today are neither "normal" nor "healthy" and life in diaspora affects the
intelligent upbringing of normal and healthy citizens.

During two thousand years of exile, the Jewish nation lost the habit of concentrating its
will-power on an all-important task, lost the habit of acting in unison as a people, lost the ability
to defend itself, armed in case of emergency, instead, the Jews became accustomed to shouts
rather than deeds, to disorder and disorganization, to negligence, both in social and personal life.
Every step of the Betar education signifies, therefore, a desire to reach the top and achieve this
"normalcy" even though it will take a long time for every Betari to grow up in the proper ways of
life and behavior. The goal is not easily attainable but at the very beginning, it is reassuring
indeed to know that the Betari remembers them and aspires even if slowly, to arrive at the
heights.

There was prevalent for a long time the opinion among Jews that although the Jewish nation has
a "mission" of its own, a complexity of ideals which it must contribute to civilization, we can,
nevertheless, best serve this mission by remaining scattered among the nations of the world.
Thus we will be able by closer contact, they maintain, to offer our ideas to every nation
so that it should follow our advice in its collective life. This is a grave mistake. As already stated,
one cannot be taught by precept alone. The world is prone to learn even new ideas from tangible
examples only. England has, for instance, given to the world an important social idea - self
government of a free citizenry. How then did the English nation teach other peoples to
understand and regulate such a parliamentary system? Certainly not by being scattered among
the nations and so convince them; just the opposite is true. Thus it became an example from
which the world learned. In a like manner, the French nation carried out its mission of instructing
the world the teachings of liberty and equality which it accepted during the great French
Revolution The only right way to offer mankind some good is to show practically, and not
verbally, how to achieve it. It is not true that the Zionists have ignored the idea of mission, the
mission of the Jewish nation in the world; rather we believe that the world will yet learn from us
many truths, truths still unknown to it. However, the single way leading to this is the creation of
the Jewish State.

For a long time, many Jews, including Zionists, were unwilling to understand the simple truth.
They maintained that the creation of important positions in Palestine (settlements, cities, schools,
etc.) is enough. According to them a national life could be freely developed even though the
majority of the population were to be Arab. This is a great mistake. History proves that any
national position, however strong and important cannot be safeguarded as long as the nation
which built it does not constitute a majority. A minority can safeguard its cultural position only
as long as it can control the local majority. Sooner or later, every country in the world is to
become the national state of the predominant nation there. Thus if we desire that Eretz Yisrael
should become and remain a Jewish State, we must first of all create a Jewish majority.

The first step in Zionism consists of this, but it does not follow that it is the last step. After
attaining a majority in Palestine and being enabled to govern upon broad democratic principles,
we will have before us even a more important task: Shivat-Tzion (the return to Zion). By this we
mean the creation of such conditions which would enable every Jew who is unwilling or unable
to live in the diaspora to settle in the Jewish State and earn his livelihood there. These would
probably reach into the millions, while a sufficient majority can be obtained by one million or a
million and a half settlers. Afterward will come probably the most important task of all: to make
Eretz Yisrael the leading state of the civilized world, a country the customs and laws of which
are to be followed by the whole universe. "From Zion shall go forth Torah", signifies a "Torah"
not merely in the religious sense. Zionism is a tremendous, overwhelming important tack, the
boundaries of which our generation cannot as yet envisage. The first step, that deed without
which there can be no Zionism, or a Jewish state, or a real Jewish nation, is the creation of a
Jewish majority in Eretz Yisrael on both sides of the Jordan.

We have the utmost respect for the other languages which are being utilized by our people.
Especially do we appreciate the tremendous role of Yiddish in preserving our national integrity,
the wealth of its literature and press. We also esteem the Ladino of the Sephardim which also
served as an excellent remedy against assimilation. A national language, however, is something
different and by far greater. It cannot be a language which the nation has, in the course of its
history, derived from a strange people and then suited it for its own purposes. Very significant
indeed is the fact that the greatest immortal works of our national genius (the Bible, the Books of
HaLevi and Ibn Gavirol, of Bialik and Shneour), were not created in Aramaic during
antiquity nor in Yiddish in our own times despite the really great role of both languages in our
development. A national language is one which is born simultaneously with a nation and then
accompanies the latter in one form or another throughout its entire life. Such is Hebrew to us.

I hope - being a hopeful man and having unbounded faith in Betar - that there will eventually
arrive a day when Betar will also play an important part in the renaissance movement of our
language: one role which was forgotten by all the groups participating in this revival movement.
I refer to that role which is to safeguard the beautiful tone and pronunciation of Hebrew. Our
language is being revived, but without that marvelously harmonious enunciation which it
apparently possessed was as musical a language as Latin or French. Today, on the other hand,
Hebrew is spoken vulgarly, and the accents are ill-sounding and foreign, even in Eretz Yisrael.
This too is a problem which can be termed "lack of Hadar" - to talk the language in any manner
whatsoever and be careless of its beauty. It is sufficient to look over attentively a page of the
Bible with its various notes of pronunciation, in order to understand the love for each letter and
the wealth of nuances that could be found in its spoken Hebrew. I sincerely hope that it will be
fated to the Betar again to renew this forgotten tradition of our national language. And our
national language must again be what it once upon a time was: a poem, a musical masterpiece.

Of course it does not follow that a Betari must be blind in regard to the importance or even
greatness inherent in other ideals for betterment and reform which now inspire masses of
humanity on the contrary - the Betari must be open-eyed, clear minded and generous of heart. A
Betari must be able to deal fairly and respectfully with all honest aspirations of his fellow men
- especially because the best of these are derived from Jewish sources. Pacifism, for instance, and
above all the war for social justice have their mainspring in the Bible. We also hope for a time to
come when the Jewish state will show the world the right way of both eternal peace and social
justice. First of all, however, the Jewish nation must build its state, this undertaking is so
complicated and difficult that it demands the full strength of an entire generation, perhaps
even more than one generation. Jewish youth must, therefore, devote itself completely to this
sole task; all other ideas, though they be beautiful and humane, should influence us only in so far
as they do not hinder the rebuilding of a Jewish state. When one of these ideas becomes, even if
indirectly, an obstacle on the road to a Jewish state, it must be mercilessly sacrificed in favor of
the one ideal. One should remember that one may have many ideas and respect them highly, but
one can only have one ideal. To this ideal all other ideas must bow, and near it there should not
and cannot exist a second ideal, for two ideals are as absurd as two gods; one can worship only
one G-d and only one ideal. Everything else one may like is, and must, remain secondary
importance.

As already stated, this is the one fundamental which distinguishes the Betar from all other
Zionist Youth movements. The latter have the characteristic tendency to "co-ordinate" two ideals
like Zionism and Socialism serving both simultaneously. As a result, there is a confusion which
renders impossible a clear-cut relationship toward Zionism and the Jewish state. Being Zionists,
they are gladdened at the fact that private capital aids the foundation of new enterprises and
increases Jewish immigration; being also Socialists, however, they consider such businesses a
plain result of exploitation. The outcome of such an adulteration of conceptions is that neither
here nor there are they correct. In reference to Zionism, they are prohibited to use such
expressions as "Jewish State" or "Jewish Majority", for this would mean encouragement for the
Capitalist settlers too, without whom there can be no large "aliyah" (inflow) of workers. As far as
Socialism is concerned, these young people are being jeered at by the "pure", non-Zionist
Socialists, who keep on reminding the Zionists that their actions are contradictory to the
Proletarian principles. Consequently, we are witnessing the fact that many tire of such confusion
and throw the Zionist ideal overboard; for two ideals cannot dwell together and one or another
must eventually give way and disappear.

This admixture of various ideals which Betar absolutely rejects we may call biblically,
"schaatnez", the euphonistic stand of Betar may be termed in Hebrew "Had-Ness" (One Banner).
Betar has not bent asunder souls, a breach caused by two equally valued aspirations. Everything
which disturbs the upbuilding of the Jewish state, whether in connection which private interests
or with a group or class must, without pre-conditions, bow to the one banner, to the command of
the highest, the supreme ideal: to the Jewish State.

This conception Betar holds to be the most conspicuous example of "shaatnez" of a blind
absurdity. Classes can exist only in an already formulated and established society; since we are
concerned as yet with the colonizing stage, there are no "classes" or "proletarians" or "wealthy" -
there are only pioneers. These "chalutzim" each of whom participates as well as he or she
is able, in a mutual and very difficult enterprise are merely figures on the chessboard of Zionism
- whoever they are, they play a fighting game while being manipulated by one excellent player.
They, the chalutzim, are merely various instruments in an orchestra; each instrument has its own
musical score, but the combined instruments play at the same concert and are led by the same
conductor. In our case, the chess player and the conductor is named the Jewish State.

Nobody denies that even in Palestine the individual interests of the worker are unlike those of his
employer: the former want to earn more, the latter to pay less, - as in any other country.
However, whereas in France or Italy it is not the concern of the worker whether his employer, a
manufacturer, can "stand" a high wage or not, the case is entirely different in Palestine. There the
worker, if he is a Zionist, cannot afford the luxury of running a factory because thus the scope of
colonization is narrowed.. The manufacturer too, if he is a Zionist, should not tolerate impossible
working conditions in his enterprise which then would lose its colonizatory significance. In other
words: in Palestine, higher and mightier than class-interests, the common interest of rebuilding
the Jewish State rules supreme. Consequently there should be no talk of class war, a system, the
harmful tendency of which, is manifested when one side threatens the other by means of strikes
or lockouts. In Palestine, such conflicts must always be settled in one manner only: through
obligatory national arbitration.

Of course, as long as there is no Institute for National Arbitration, a strike might be, at times, the
only recourse to gain just concessions from a miserly employer. The Betari must never forget
that there is a solidarity among all wage-earners, if it only doesn't disrupt the solidarity of all the
builders of the State. The Betari must beware of such courses which threaten to turn the Jewish
worker in Palestine into a poor, needy man who cannot live decently and educate his children
properly. Upon noticing that arbitration bodies are as yet non-existent and the only manner in
which to defend just working conditions is, to our regret a strike, he, the Betari, is not allowed
to disrupt it. We are sorry that there are frequent and quite necessary strike in Palestine when
encouraged without economic need, these slow up the work of rebuilding. This is true especially
when referring to the strikes with the help of which Histadrut seeks to control the economic life
of the Yishuv. The Histadrut declares a strike if a manufacturer or colonist hires laborers, (on just
the very conditions) that refuse to join the Histadrut or be subject to its employment bureau.
Most of these are Betarim - and the real purpose of a strike such as this seems to be the ejection
of Betar workers. Naturally, such a strike is not merely "unholy" - it is a crime, an injustice
which is intolerable for the state which needs every one of its pioneers. Such a strike must not
merely be disrupted - it must be made impossible; whether one is cursed with the name "scab" or
not. An unjust and state disintegrating strike must be mercilessly broken as well as any other
attempt to damage the reconstruction of the Jewish State. Finally, it is the right and duty of Betar
itself to decide as to the justice or injustice of a conflict; help of the former and break the latter.

In another sense too, the class struggle in Eretz Yisrael is but a fiction, in the sense of uniting the
"proletarians of all countries" in a common battle against the bourgeoisie of all nations. Every
Jewish worker in Eretz Yisrael knows very well indeed that if Arabian proletarians were to
attack the hateful bourgeois of Petach Tikvah, he being a Zionist, would defend middle-class
property against his "class brethren". Why? Because it is, first of all Jewish property, a factor in
Jewish colonization, a position to be eventually utilized in the process of attaining a Jewish
majority. A colonizatory period has its own social laws, which are fundamentally different from
those that, perhaps, govern the already established countries. Here are several social laws
pertaining to our colonization as comprehended and proclaimed by Betar.

a) 100% Jewish Labor in all Jewish enterprises. Otherwise these are, from the colonizatory
viewpoint, worthless. The worst of all national crimes in Palestine is the boycott of Jewish
Labor.

b) Decent labor conditions for the Jewish Worker. Otherwise, he will be unable to emigrate and
Palestine will then never be a Jewish State.

c) Normal investment of private capital otherwise capital will cease pouring into-Palestine and
thus the rebuilding of a Jewish State will cease.

d) Obligatory national arbitration in all the social conflicts of Jewish economic life and a
"Cheram", a taboo, against the two national crimes; Strikes and "lockouts".

Since the strongest of the labor organizations in Palestine the "Histadrut HaOvdim", does not
recognize these principles but insists upon the class-struggle viewpoint, the Betarim-workers in
Palestine do not join the Histadrut and cannot, therefore, find employment through its labor
bureaus.

The fifth demand is:

e) The formation of neutral employment bureaus, with an equal representation of all Jewish labor
organizations as well as of employers under the chairmanship of neutral elements; preferably
under the guidance and inspection of such an institute whose function is to be national
arbitration.

Our rivals call this "militarism". We should not be afraid, however, of a Latin word. There was a
time when the first Zionists too were threatened with Latinism: nationalism..... But those first
Zionists too were undaunted and answered: There are two sorts of nationalism: If a nation dwells
in its country but also desires to annex the land of its neighbors - that is bad nationalism. On the
other hand, when a nation is entirely homeless and demands for itself a portion of G-d's earth, it
is a good nationalism about with there is nothing to be ashamed of. The same applies to
"Militarism". If a power, unharmed by anybody, begins to arm in order to attack its peaceful
neighbors, it is a bad militarism. In, however, the case of Jews, who are being beaten
everywhere, and even in Palestine are being threatened with destruction - it is certainly proof of
good nationalism to arm for the defense of our lives, property and future. We may then well be
proud of it. Every great colonization in history, has always entailed a revolt of the natives.
Palestine is no exception to the rule. One who thinks that the Arabs are right to oppose Zionism,
may as well reject entirely the idea of colonizing Palestine. But he who holds that the Jewish
people has a sacred right in its historic homeland, and that the opposition of the Arabs (a people
of only about 40 millions which possesses a territory as large as a half of Europe) is unjustified -
he should draw the logical conclusion, and in accordance with his conviction aid in the creation
of that iron wall, which will make destruction impossible.

For it is the highest achievement of a mass of free men, if they are capable to act in unison, with
the absolute precision of a machine. Only free, cultured people can do so. When ten thousand
Czech soldiers are stationed somewhere and at a sign from their commander they all make
the same gesture at the very same moment, every onlooker feels that in this there manifests itself
the highest self-respect of a free and civilized nation. When we listen to a choir or an orchestra
hundred participants of which follow implicitly one conductor and so create an impression of
absolute unity, it is a certain proof that each individual gave his best efforts to achieve such a
result. Of course, it was not the conductor who forced things: it was the artist himself who
desired a complete unity of tone. Into such an "orchestra" we want to transform the Jewish
nation, and the first step is Betar. Likewise, no young man is being forced to enter the Betar
ranks and there remain, it is his own free will which makes him recognize as the first
characteristic of mankind the ability to unite one's individuality with that of others for the sake
of a common goal. Indeed the entire conception of "mankind", in its deepest and most delicate
sense, is centered in unity. The salvation of Israel will dawn at the moment when the Jewish
Nation will learn how to act together and in unison, preferably as a "machine"; when humanity
as a whole will learn art, salvation will come to the world, and warring particles will be
transformed into one world family.

Discipline is the subordination of a mass to one leader; that leader must subordinate himself to
his superior, the superior to somebody higher than himself, etc. It does not signify, however, that
one subordinates to a stranger's will - for the leader is but the executor of your own will, your
representative whom you freely empowered to conduct your "orchestra". Otherwise, you would
not have joined the Betar or remained there indefinitely. The meaning of Betarian discipline too
lies in the very important fundamental law of Monism, We all have one will, we build together
the same structure, we, therefore, listen to the call of that architect, is accurate in his planning, we
pave stones and hammer in nails as instructed. The leader, the conductor, the architect may either
be an individual or a body - a committee, for instance. Both "systems" are equally democratic
as long as leadership is couchsafed by a mass agreement. In France, there reigns a collective
body, the cabinet, in the United States, solely the President - yet both are strictly democratic
republics. For Betar the American system is better suited because it, Betar is a combination of
both "school and army" and a class of pupils or a regiment of soldiers is best led by one teacher
or one commander, not by a group with divergent opinions. Nevertheless, the first and last source
of this complete hierarchy of Betar is expressed in the will of the Betarian mass because it freely
elects the highest functionary of the movement - Rosh Betar.

The growth of Betar and its-conception of discipline form a happy and healthy union between
freedom on one hand, and monistic harmony on the other.

More important is moral "Hadar". You must be generous, if no question of principle is involved.
Do not bargain about trivialities, you, rather should give something instead of exacting it from
somebody else. Every word of your must be a "word of honor", and the latter is mightier that
steel. A time must eventually arrive, when a Jew desiring to express his highest appreciation of
human honesty, courtesy and esteem will not say, as now: "He is a real gentleman!" but "He is a
real Betari!"

As regard Betar, the principle of "Israel Products for the Diaspora" is not merely one of a
hundred proper ways to aid our colonization: it is the most important, almost a synonym, for the
settlement of the land. A man is not "held" in Israel by the fact that he settles in Eretz Yisrael and
establishes a factory or plants an orchard, this is not enough, he is still just a "tourist" for
tomorrow he may lose his livelihood and be forced to leave. Only at that moment that he sells his
products it is possible to consider him a settler more or less permanent - a settler and not a
tourist. The success of colonization is not measured by the amount of land bought and not in the
number of buildings set up, not even in the total of money invested; the success is dependent on
whether it is possible to find a market for the products - either in Israel or in the Diaspora. In this
sense we may say that the colonization is assured, not where settlers settle, but where
possibilities open to see their products. To spread "totzeret ha-aretz" (Israeli products), that is to
say, to participate in the colonization of Eretz Yisrael actively and directly to help those who
work in Israel and need buyers abroad for the fruit of their toil. When Betar will be able to
approach this task, we might call the people engaged in this work - "Pioneers of Israeli Produce",
for he who aids in the selling of an article made by a chalutz in Israel is not inferior but as
important as the producer.

And this is a job especially for Betar, for the youth. Commerce in our days is dependent on
advertisement. For in the big and prosperous cities live the Jews. Not in every corner can a store
selling Israeli merchandise establish itself and not every housewife, will all her good will, can
always travel a great distance for the sake of such a bargain. Also notices published in strange
newspapers, read by rich classes is much too expensive especially in the beginning. Therefore, it
is important to spread "totzeret ha-aretz", that the public relations and the bringing of the
merchandise to the buyer's house, with price lists and samples in hand, and to collect signatures
for this and that, once a week, once a month, and afterwards, to bring the buyers the product on
the appointed day. No work is harder or more proper and worthwhile. No other undertaking for
the financial good of a Zionist institution can be compared with the tremendous colonizatory
importance of the creation of absorptive markets for the Yishuv products, work that a Betar
group can aid in to base in Israel plantations, factories and workers, and especially not in the
aspect of contributions, but in the form of healthy and commercial profit.

We may enquire however, whether we must unconditionally surrender the course of our
theoretical idea. The mind of a thinking young man is hardly asleep, if alert, a young man delves
into various worldly problems, among which of course he meets with social questions. One may
theoretically agree with Socialism, or be negative towards it - this cannot be forbidden and it is
unnecessary to bewail the fact, everything is well, if only the projects for a distant future do not
disrupt the harmony essential to the one task of the present - the building of a Jewish State.

And if so - is it not conceivable that a time may arrive when a purely Betarian approach to the
social problems shall evolve? This approach would be based upon Jewish sources. Socialism,
although formulated at its best by two Jews, Marx and Engels is not build upon exclusively
Jewish ideas. Of course, their longing for social justice, which is inherent in every Socialist
theory is inspired by Laws of Moses and the Prophets. These sources do not, however,
promulgate that concrete plan of a new social order which we term "Socialism". Our Bible does
offer a concrete plan of a social revolution, but it is the direct opposite of Socialism. I refer to the
idea of a "Jubilee".

A "Socialist" order means such a social system which once and for all should regulate all class
relationship; once and for all abolish the difference between rich and poor so that there will be no
further necessity for additional social reforms. All this is good and well, but there is one great
flaw in such a system: man thereby would cease to strive, to fight to seek for something better.
Everybody's position would be automatically regulated; nothing could be changeable; dreams
could be disposed with, the mind would not be exerted and there would vanish every individual's
constructive impulse. In this manner, every person must become a kind of an "official" in an
almighty State, and as we know, it lies in the nature of officialdom to be satisfied with existing
conditions and with a "routine". The mainspring of progress is the mighty fact that millions of
people seek battle and aspire. This, in a Socialist State, must disappear.

And do not see that in Soviet Russia, where during the past fifteen years the Socialist system was
experimented with, not only was the individual downed by the above described but also that his
political and civil liberty was circumscribed and curtailed?

The Jubilee idea is totally dissimilar: for it aims that society should periodically institute a great
fundamental social revolution; that it should equalize all classes that it take from the wealthy and
give to the destitute. The difference, however, is that the Jubilee idea infers that after such a
revolution, every man is free to start anew his social battle, free again to aspire, to utilize his
energies and talents according to his desire. Here we do not find any "once and for all" here the
reverse is true: make a fresh start! Mankind must not conglomerate into a stony mass among
which it is senseless for a man to work better than his neighbor - for both, at any rate are equal.
No! Humanity must always be stormy and seething. Every man must see before himself an open
road upwards; one will rise to the heights another will slide down a precipice. All will be lively.
There will be competition and progress - until the new year of Jubilee, when everything will once
more be equalized to be followed again with a new beginning.

This does not mean, however, that between one Jubilee and another people must perish from cold
and hunger as is the case in the present capitalistic system. The Bible has two additional
principles; "Shabbat". That you must not force a poor man to work for you at all times and under
all circumstances: your right to demand services of his is limited to a higher law. The entire
present day system of labor protection, the eight-hour day, the prohibition of child labor, etc., is
derived from the one source: our "Shabbat" principle. And the second principle "Pejah", (the
obligation to leave part of your crop in the field or in the vineyard for the orphan, the widow, the
homeless wanderer) is the source from which spring the taxes fro social betterment, all
institutions of insurance and security for the people. These are not as yet properly developed,
mainly because the world as a whole, expands too much for battleships and cannons. So that no
appreciable sums remain for social needs. When armies will be abolished (also a Jewish idea
from the Bible) the world will be in a position to make such manifestations as hunger,
homelessness and nakedness impossible. The term "destitution" will be no more; every man,
whether he earns sufficiently or not will be then certain to have the minimum requirements for a
decent livelihood. Such a state will result from the two ancient Jewish principles of "Shabbat"
and "Pejah". Consequently, even in the interim between two "Jubilees" a person who is not
successful in economic competition will not suffer hunger-pangs; even if he or she will fail he or
she will fail not upon hard stones but on soft warm carpet. Men and women will then be sure of
their families and their own existences; they will be enabled to "rise" again immediately and seek
their fortunes anew.

In the Bible, this system was quite superficially indicated (specifically the Jubilee idea).
However, in a few instances we envisage a seed of such a social outlook which is probably
better, more beautiful and "humane" that Socialism. Its beauty consists of the fact that instead of
one special revolution, which is to put everything in order, "once and for all" (after
which mankind may go to sleep interminably), we find in the Jubilee-idea a much more refined
representation of a humanity which advances steadily by the means of endless "social"
revolutions. Each of these revolutions follow one another and each constitutes a new stage of
progress; each of these does not arrive like a bloody outbreak but constitutionally, as a perfectly
lawful event - and in the interim as already stated, rule the two main fundamentals of Shabbat
and Pejah, the principles of which must be developed to the utmost extent. For these aims to
stamp out mercilessly every vestige of hunger, cold and homelessness as well as the possibilities
of failure. On the other hand, the opportunities of attainment must be open to every individual.
These "Shabbat" and "Pejah" principles, at their best, will serve as the strongest impulse for all
men to battle energetically in Life's arena.

Perhaps therein lies the groundwork for a new, purely-physical social conception which the
future Jewish State will be privileged to realize in life, which, meantime, can serve as a base for
purely Betarian Social Philosophy.